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Developmental psychologists have long been interested in how parents affect child development. However, finding actual cause-and-effect links between specific actions of parents and later behavior of children is very difficult. Some children raised in dramatically different environments can later grow up to have remarkably similar personalities.
Conversely, children who share a home and are raised in the same environment can grow up to have very different personalities. Despite these challenges, researchers have posited that there are links between parenting styles and the effects these styles have on children. And some suggest these effects carry over into adult behavior.
In the s, psychologist Diana Baumrind conducted a study on more than preschool-age children. Using naturalistic observation , parental interviews, and other research methods , she identified some important dimensions of parenting. These dimensions include disciplinary strategies, warmth and nurturing, communication styles, and expectations of maturity and control.
Based on these dimensions, Baumrind suggested that the majority of parents display one of three different parenting styles. Later research by Maccoby and Martin suggested adding a fourth parenting style. Each of these has different effects on children's behavior.
In this style of parenting, children are expected to follow the strict rules established by the parents. Failure to follow such rules usually results in punishment. Authoritarian parents don't explain the reasoning behind these rules. In Norway, childhood is strongly institutionalized, with kids entering state-sponsored daycare at the age of one.
In Japan, children are independent early in childhood, with kids as young as six getting themselves to school and running errands, even in Tokyo. In Japanese society, people expect other adults to watch out for and protect children. This can be seen in the practice of letting children nap outside, even in wintertime. S, for kids to take a gap year between high school and college.
These varieties show that when it comes to child rearing, a lot depends on location and culture. Responsibility Hard work Helping others Good Manners Independence Creativity Empathy While the importance of these areas fluctuates based on issues such as the size of the family or whether the mother is married or single, these traits are almost universally listed by American parents.
Success is measured in many ways, including: Financial stability Happiness Family togetherness Strong religious faith The passing down of cultural traditions Studying these differences in parenting styles throughout the US and the world give students a better understanding of cultures and families and how cultural differences affect child rearing in different parts of the world.
Attachment research has clearly indicated, at least for Western cultures, that attachment patterns are likely internalized, generalized to child, adolescent, and adult relationships, and may persist in subsequent generations. Attachment in non-Western cultures appears to be better determined when the values and beliefs of the respective culture are first considered.
Several researchers have reported that infants identified as securely attached to their caregiver tend to be more socially skilled and positive in their adolescent and adult relationships. It is also reported that securely attached children are less clinging and less dependent on parents and teachers, are more emotionally mature in home and school settings, have higher self-esteem, are less likely to be socially aggressive or disruptive, and are more popular with peers.
These children also appear to have an academic advantage in that they are more often rated as leaders and tend to get better grades. On the other hand, insecurely attached infants show more disruptive behaviors in adolescence and adulthood, and insecure attachment patterns have been linked to early sexual involvement, riskier sexual behavior, and sexual dysfunction in adulthood.
For these reasons, attachment patterns have been implicated in childhood and adolescent social and academic success. How we parent our children may also be linked to our own early attachment patterns.
Developmental researchers have consistently reported that caregivers and infants share the same attachment patterns. That is, caregivers who were classified through testing as securely attached to their parent had infants who were securely attached to them. Conversely, caregivers who showed insecure attachment patterns had infants who were also insecurely attached to them. Consequently, we not only tend to parent our children as we were parented, but we also pass on an attachment style to our children and, quite possibly, to future generations.
Child rearing is the process whereby parents teach their children the rules of the society in which they live, so that their children are prepared for an autonomous adult life. Optimal socialization prepares children to function well as adults and to continue to do so when their parents are no longer available to parent. Child-rearing practices, then, might be an important predictor of whether this socialization was successful. The terms parenting styles and parenting practices are sometimes used interchangeably, but they actually refer to different aspects of parenting.
Parenting practices are the specific behaviors, strategies, or methods parents use, based on their particular parenting style. So although the two concepts have different conceptual meanings in the developmental literature, they are intrinsically linked with regard to how parents rear their children.
Various authors have written about differences in parenting styles and practices in terms of their influence on child outcomes and in noting differences across cultures. Outcome investigations, similar to those in the attachment literature, typically use a predictive model to associate various parenting practices with child and adult characteristics such as emotional stability, social skills, academic abilities, and incidence of psychopathology.
Cultural difference studies point to how ethnic or cultural values influence diversity in the implementation and meaning of various child-rearing practices, and how culturally shared beliefs guide parenting attitudes and practices. For example, Western cultures who value individualism may see autonomy as an ideal characteristic to shape in children, whereas collectivist cultures who value the common good would be more likely to discourage autonomy as a goal of child rearing.
Important to note is that despite cultural differences, some characteristics such as parental warmth and responsiveness appear to be considered important across many cultures. Attachment theorists such as Klaus Grossmann have suggested that the Nazi child-rearing movement reflected a set of social, historical and political circumstances that probably ensured a generation of young children were raised in the absence of attachment security.
Here, many children were brought up in terrible conditions — where violence was used to humiliate and control on a daily basis. As a result, children who grew up in these Romanian Orphanges were shown to have a dramatically increased risk for major problems with insecure attachments, sociability and indiscriminate friendliness — as well as significant differences in brain development.
For these children, a lack of love and connection was found to be associated with anatomical differences in key regions of the brain. Sociobiologists Heider Keller and Hiltrud Otto have questioned whether such periods in German history have played a role in shaping parenting for future generations. In their book chapter, Is there something like German parenting?
Indeed, since World War II, child-centred philosophies and practices from the Western world have taken root in German society. And high levels of immigration have meant that there are many ideas and beliefs about parenting in contemporary Germany that sit alongside these generational trends.
Much of the contemporary Western evidence suggests that, in contrast to what the Nazis thought, attachment still plays an important role in many societies when it comes to raising children — even though the ways in which such attachments are arranged can vary dramatically.
And while researchers have provided evidence that certain features of attachment may be universal, others can vary remarkably from culture to culture. It has been presumed, for example, that there is a universal need and motivation for all infants to form attachments to caregivers. They are thought to be neurologically hardwired to seek close attachments and to be equipped with a behavioural repertoire that has evolved to facilitate this.
But how such attachments are formed and with whom can differ. But this is not universally true that has to be mother or primary care giver and is largely a reflection of Western middle-class societies. Research in other cultures has revealed different ways of responding to the universal need for attachment security in infants.
Her data revealed some fascinating differences around attachment. Nso mothers tended to have very different beliefs about the value and importance of an exclusive mother-infant bond. In fact, they often discouraged maternal exclusivity, believing that to provide optimal care, many caregivers is best.
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